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Full text of "Rapid Population Growth Consequences And Policy Implications"

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situations, in otner woras, tne general rormuiation needs to oe moainea ivoking the concept of the adaptability of the biological organisms, .er's work indicated that the cohorts of mice born and reared in a situa-of extreme population density did not display the same reactions as did
progenitors to whom this was a newer and less familiar set of experi-s. Among humans the extraordinary regularity with which various dis-
have first waxed and then waned as populations have become exposed later presumably adapted to urban living and the accompanying indus-zation could well be taken as evidence supporting this point of view, tie rise and fall of tuberculosis following industrialization has already
mentioned. As tuberculosis began to decline, it was replaced as a central :h problem, in both Britain and the United States, by major malnutrition romes. In Britain, rickets was the scourge; in the United States, pellagra, e disorders, in turn, reached a peak and declined for reasons that are only y understood and were themselves replaced by some of the diseases of
childhood, such as whooping cough, diphtheria, scarlet fever, and diar-
These diseases, too, waxed and then waned largely, but not entirely, r the influence of improvements in the sanitary environment and jgh the introduction of immunization programs, to be replaced between World Wars by an extraordinary increase in the rate of duodenal ulcer, cularly in young men. This phenomenon, while more marked in Britain, rred in the United States as well; in both countries, for totally unknown ms, the rates have declined in a dramatic fashion. Duodenal ulcer has
been replaced by our modern epidemics of coronary heart disease, hy-msion, cancer, arthritis, diabetes, mental disorders, and the like. There is 5 evidence now that some of these disorders have reached a peak and, at
in some segments of the population, are declining. Death rates for hyper-ve heart disease, for example, apparently have been declining in the ed States since about 1940 to 1950óbefore the introduction of anti-irtensive drugs (45).
urthermore, there is some evidence in both Britain and the United States the social class distribution of many of the "modern" diseases is chang-Although 30 years ago coronary heart disease, for example, was more ilent in Britain among the upper social classes, today there is almost no
difference. This change has occurred coincidentally with the increased :h of exposure to urban, 20th century ways of living of the upper classes (more recently) the migration of many of the lower social classes from
to urban situations.
ome more direct evidence for this formulation exists. Christenson and :le (46) compared differences in disease prevalence between a group of agers who had completed college and a group with the same job for the ; pay in the same company who had not completed college. The managers
had completed college were, with few exceptions, fourth-generation